The main theme of the current issue of Jadal is the Joint List, which is a political alliance of four Arab-dominated parties in Israel. The formation of the Joint List has been considered as a historic step within the Arab political scene inside the Green Line, as it is the first time that the Arab parliamentary parties ran in the Knesset elections within a single list. Editors Mohanad Mustafa and Areen Hawari state in their editorial that “the Joint List’s formation, its participation in the elections, and its success in receiving thirteen seats in parliament are achievements that may usher in a new and promising phase of Arab political activity inside the Green Line. At the same time, however, such successes may be temporary and ultimately reduce national action, if they are not followed by steps to improve the List’s effectiveness in producing political achievements beyond that of its formation”.

Editorial


Issue Theme


Articles

The Second International Conference of Gender Studies Program at Mada al-Carmel – Arab Center for Applied Social Research was held in the old city of Acre, on Thursday 14/7/2016, under the title of: The Illusion of Justice in the Settler Colony: Palestinian woman, law and the state.

The conference sought to address the relationship between the three sides of the triangle: The Palestinian woman, law and the state within the settler colonial context. The conference highlighted the women in this triangle; it examined their status, and the impact of this relationship on women all through a three dimensional focus. First, the gender dimension of the relationship’s nature, women being discriminated against by the governing institution on one hand, the Palestinian internal patriarchal society and the Israeli society on the other hand. Second, the ethnic and racial dimension of the state towards Palestinians in general, and the Palestinian woman in particular. Whereas, the third dimension addresses the colonialism of the occupant’s law and the status of Palestinian women in the border zones. The conference also focused on the law’s role as a central approach in the settler colonial system to steal the Palestinian’s woman right to a decent life.

1Dr. Mtanes Shihadeh, director of research programs at Mada al-Carmel and coordinator of the Israeli studies program opened the conference with welcoming words through which he presented the aim of the conference and its significance, saying: “This conference stems from the conviction that the instruments of the settler colonialism system are numerous and they are all recruited to serve the dominance, banishment and the superiority of the colonizer, including the use of the legal system to impose dominance and control under the slogan of democracy or the majority’s will in the Israeli case. In addition to the constructional colonial system, in the recent years we have witnessed lawmaking of a number of laws that aimed to control, repression and suppression of the Palestinian collective awareness and their political positions. In addition to suppressing individual freedom of people and interfering in their right of choice for their life partners, not to mention other practices of colonialism in the Palestinian territories of 67 and especially in Jerusalem. All of that is done under the slogan of the majority’s resolution and security.

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Professor Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, director of gender studies program at Mada al-Carmel, a professor of criminology, started the sessions with a lecture under the title of: “A Feminist Critical Perspective on Palestinian Woman, Law and the Jewish state”, through which she discussed the Zionist settler-colonial project and its impact on the Palestinian woman, saying: “The settler-colonial system, which evolved the moment the state of Israel was born, is in an instant relentless state of emergency which seeks to eliminate Palestinians, the others, the penetrating and the dangerous beings for the sake of the Jewish people’s lives, growth and prosperity. Through the description of the fundamental definition of the Jewish state according to the Zionist ideology represented by the idea of the pure race and establishing a racist citizenship clearly manifested in the law of return of the year 1950, which automatically gives citizenship to any person who can prove to have one Jewish ancestor, whereas in the same time denies the right of return for Palestinians who were born on this land. Through other Israeli laws of citizenship and entrance, we can indicate that Palestinian eviction from the ideological frame of the Jewish state has been activated and that it has been sustained through violence and in some cases in a very slow and light manner, but it’s always a powerful method of eradication. Hence, the inevitable plan of demography lies in the wings of birth. With each Palestinian childbirth, there comes a distinct threat for the Jewish inhabitants. Although the official laws and the ethical codes ban division, and may require neutral medical care supply equally for everybody, the ability of breaking and manipulating laws was achieved, legalized, and overlooked. The illegal becomes flexible and legal, the forbidden becomes official. It’s condemned by many but rarely applied, or investigated into, or made right.

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The first session of the conference was under the title of “Women, state racism and the law” headed by advocate Hadeel Badarneh, with the participation of Cheryl I. Harris, professor of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties, School of law, University of California-Los Angeles, Suhad Bshara, Advocate, director of land and planning unit, Adalah-The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel and Sarab Abu Rabia-Queder, Senior lecturer, Ben Gurion University- Al-Naqab.

Cheryl Harris talked about the American experience in state racism and law, saying: “Although slavery isn’t vivid in law issuing, it still has, until this day, its effect on shaping the political life of the black people in America and abroad, and particularly on the relationship between the black and other citizens, in addition to the issue of granting them the American nationality like other citizens of the country”. In her intervention, she focused on the black woman’s relationship with the state on one hand, and her relationship with the male chauvinist society on the other. Suhad Bishara’s intervention was under the title of “Gendered Spaces in the Formation of the Israeli Settler-Colonialis”, where she discussed the eviction of Um al-Hiran village which was not recognized in al-Nakkab and the way the Israeli authority and institutions dealt with women’s role in this case, to convert it into a women’s space. Suhad fcused on the clear language of gender in the case of Um al-Hiran village, which supports the Colonial Zionist Policy. Sarab Abu Rabia Queder had the last intervention during the first session titled “The Policy of De-Classing the working Palestinian women in Al-Naqab”, where she discussed the settler-colonial logic which is represented in the exclusion of indigenous Palestinians in Al-Nakkab in general, and the professional Palestinian women in particular. The logic of colonialism doesn’t only aim for the weak and pour groups, but it also targets the economically strong stratums which challenge the colonial power. In this context, Abu Rabia Queder says: “The Palestinian working women in Al- Naqab are targeted by the settler-colonial policy, because they own the largest cultural capital in their society, on both economic and educational levels”.

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6The second session was under the title “Gender, Racism and Violence against Women” chaired by Aamer Ibrahim, Masters student. It contained four interventions by local and foreign lecturers. Denise Da Silva, from Queen Mary, University of London had the first intervention titled “Palestinian Women Confronting Racial Violence”, where she discussed the internal conflicts in the concept of justice, which is supposed to be based on equality. The concept of justice does not take in consideration the political interference of the authority involved in violence and gender violations, and which the approach based on law tries to resolve. The second intervention, by Nisreen Massarwi from Kayan – Feminist Organization, was under the title: “The State, the Palestinian Employer, and the Sexual Harassment in Workplace” through which she raised the subject of the constrains the female society lives in, generally, and all that is related to the active participation in the public area whose rules are very powerfully written by the white institution. This is a sharp and accurate statement involving everything concerning the reality a Palestinian woman in Israel lives in, especially the Palestinian working woman- or a woman looking for a job – in front of her Palestinian employer. The third intervention, conducted by Abeer Baker, dvocate, was titled “The Absence of Legal Protection for Palestinian female Prisoners in Israel” where she discussed the struggle of the Palestinian female prisoners which is not different than the struggle of the Palestinian male prisoners in terms of the forms of humiliation and the various methods of illegal interrogation. Except that being women, they may be subjected to additional types of psychological and physical torture, which mainly aims for their bodies and their sanctity. The fourth intervention, carried out by the PhD student Saeda Mogari-Renawi under the title: Between the narration and the decision – “a Critical Analysis of Rape Crimes against Palestinian women as Presented in Israeli Courts” through which she discussed the centralization of Judicial courts to make radical social changes and not only a system for struggle solving. She focused on legal critical theories which reveal that this space represents and reflects power struggles among several groups in the field, where each has its own values and desires, it is considered to be a tool for pressure in the hands of the ruling group in order to suppress the other groups. That is the reason why for more than three decades the female criticism focuses on the Judicial system, which they consider to be the central tool for supporting the logic of equality between men and women, in addition to improving woman’s social status using legal methods that include stopping violence and different types of torture.

78

10The third session was headed by Bana Shoughry, advocate, who discussed the topic: “Law, Death, and the Border Zones”, Areen Hawari, PhD student, participated in the session and introduced an intervention under the title of: “Debates on the Personal Status Laws’ Amendment: Discourses and References”. The intervention addressed the initiative for the amendment and legislation of laws that would impact Personal status laws of the Palestinians inside the green line. The Othman doctrine system was the exclusive reference for the family laws until the year of 2001, the same laws used by the British mandate and later on adopted by Israel. In addition to subjecting the paper to discussion about those initiatives which partially resulted into minimizing religious court capacities concerning family laws for Muslims and  Christians and giving more capacity to civil courts.

As for the second intervention, it was under the title of “The State and the Independence of Ecclesiastical Courts: A Colonial Patriarchal Legacy and a Pure Political Decision”, presented by Hala Mousa Dakwar, advocate, who talked about the legal void that resulted from Church independence from the Israeli judicial system, the absence of transparency and foreign judicial monitoring of the verdicts that are made. The third and the last intervention was under the heading of: “Frozen Laws-Frozen Bodies: on the Detained Palestinian Women Corpses” presented by the lecturer Suhad Daher-Nashif, who discussed the detention and freezing of Palestinian women’s corpses in Israeli morgues, which she defined as freezing  Palestinian women’s death in terms of time and space, all through the interaction of three types of legal bases; the international law and the agreements concerning handling corpses in the areas of struggle, the Israeli law and the supreme court’s decision regarding this issue, in addition to the Palestinian law, and social customs.

At the end of the conference, a closing session was held by MK Haneen Zu’bi and Professor Nadera Shalhoub-Kivorkian, who talked about the Palestinian women’s journey of struggle against the Israeli authorities on one hand, and the way the Palestinian society treats women on the other hand.

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Gender Studies Program

Mada al-Carmel –Arab Center for Applied Social Research

Invites you to attend:

The Second International Conference

The Illusion of Justice in the Settler Colony: Palestinian Women, Law and the State

 Thursday, July 14th 2016, Akkotel Hotel, Akka (Acre) Old City, 1 Salah Ad Din Street

Program (PDF):

10:00-10:10:    Welcome and Opening

Mtanes Shihadeh, Director of research programs, Mada al-Carmel

10:10-10:30:    Opening lecture

Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Professor of Criminology, Director of Gender Studies Program, Mada al-Carmel

A Feminist Critical Perspective on Palestinian Woman, Law and the Jewish State

10:30 – 11:45 First Session: Women, State Racism, and the Law

Chair: Himmat Zu’bi PhD Student, Ben-Gurion University

Cheryl I. Harris, Professor of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties, School of Law, University of California – Los Angeles

The American Experience in State Racism and the Law

Suhad Bishara, Advocate, Director of Land and Planning Unit, Adalah – The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel

Gendered Spaces in the Formation of the Israeli Settler Colonialism

Sarab Abu-Rabia-Queder, Senior Lecturer, Ben-Gurion University

The Policy of De-Classing the working Palestinian Women in Al-Naqab

11:45– 12:15    Break

12:15-13:45     Second Session: Gender, Racism and Violence against Women

Chair: Aamer Ibrahim, Masters Student, Tel Aviv University, Assiwar Association-Volunteer

Denise Ferreira da Silva, Professor of Arts, Queen Mary, University of London

Palestinian Women Confronting Racial Violence

Nisreen Massarwi, advocate, Kayan – Feminist Organization

The state, the Palestinian Employer and Sexual Harassment in the Workplace

Abeer Baker, Human Rights Advocate

The Absence of Legal Protection for Palestinian Prisoner Women in Israel

Saeda Mogari-Renawi, PhD Student, Hebrew University

Critical analysis of Rape Crimes against Palestinian Women as Presented in Israeli Courts

13:45-15:00     Lunch

15:00- 16:15    Third Session: Law, Death, and the Border Zones

Chair: Bana Shoughry Badarne, Advocate, Director of the International Human Rights Clinic at the Hebrew University, PhD student of law, Hebrew University

Rosa-Linda Fregoso, Professor of Latin American and Latino Studies, University of California Santa Cruz

Mexico’s Living Dead and the Policies of Death

Areen Hawari, PhD Student, Ben-Gurion University and  Mada Al-Carmel

Debates on the Personal Status Laws’ Amendment: Discourses and References

Hala Mousa Dakwar, family affairs Advocate

The State and the independence of Ecclesiastical Courts: A Colonial Patriarchal Legacy and a Pure Political Decision

Suhad Daher-Nashif, Lecturer, Al Qasemi Academic College of Education

Frozen Laws –Frozen Bodies: On the Detained Palestinian Women Corpses

16:15:16:30     Break

16:30-17:00     Discussion and Conclusion

MK Haneen Zu’bi, Joint List, Prof. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian and Adv. Alhan Nahas-Daoud

 

** The conference will be held in Arabic and English – Interpretation will not be provided.

 

To register or for more information: Mada Al-Carmel, Tel: 04 855 2035, e-mail: mada@mada-research.org

Gender Studies Program

Mada al-Carmel –Arab Center for Applied Social Research

Invites you to attend:

The Second International Conference

The Illusion of Justice in the Settler Colony: Palestinian Women, Law and the State

 Thursday, July 14th 2016, Akkotel Hotel, Akka (Acre) Old City, 1 Salah Ad Din Street

Program (PDF):

10:00-10:10:    Welcome and Opening

Mtanes Shihadeh, Director of research programs, Mada al-Carmel

10:10-10:30:    Opening lecture

Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Professor of Criminology, Director of Gender Studies Program, Mada al-Carmel

A Feminist Critical Perspective on Palestinian Woman, Law and the Jewish State

10:30 – 11:45 First Session: Women, State Racism, and the Law

Chair: Himmat Zu’bi PhD Student, Ben-Gurion University

Cheryl I. Harris, Professor of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties, School of Law, University of California – Los Angeles

The American Experience in State Racism and the Law

Suhad Bishara, Advocate, Director of Land and Planning Unit, Adalah – The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel

Gendered Spaces in the Formation of the Israeli Settler Colonialism

Sarab Abu-Rabia-Queder, Senior Lecturer, Ben-Gurion University

The Policy of De-Classing the working Palestinian Women in Al-Naqab

11:45– 12:15    Break

12:15-13:45     Second Session: Gender, Racism and Violence against Women

Chair: Aamer Ibrahim, Masters Student, Tel Aviv University, Assiwar Association-Volunteer

Denise Ferreira da Silva, Professor of Arts, Queen Mary, University of London

Palestinian Women Confronting Racial Violence

Nisreen Massarwi, advocate, Kayan – Feminist Organization

The state, the Palestinian Employer and Sexual Harassment in the Workplace

Abeer Baker, Human Rights Advocate

The Absence of Legal Protection for Palestinian Prisoner Women in Israel

Saeda Mogari-Renawi, PhD Student, Hebrew University

Critical analysis of Rape Crimes against Palestinian Women as Presented in Israeli Courts

13:45-15:00     Lunch

15:00- 16:15    Third Session: Law, Death, and the Border Zones

Chair: Bana Shoughry Badarne, Advocate, Director of the International Human Rights Clinic at the Hebrew University, PhD student of law, Hebrew University

Rosa-Linda Fregoso, Professor of Latin American and Latino Studies, University of California Santa Cruz

Mexico’s Living Dead and the Policies of Death

Areen Hawari, PhD Student, Ben-Gurion University and  Mada Al-Carmel

Debates on the Personal Status Laws’ Amendment: Discourses and References

Hala Mousa Dakwar, family affairs Advocate

The State and the independence of Ecclesiastical Courts: A Colonial Patriarchal Legacy and a Pure Political Decision

Suhad Daher-Nashif, Lecturer, Al Qasemi Academic College of Education

Frozen Laws –Frozen Bodies: On the Detained Palestinian Women Corpses

16:15:16:30     Break

16:30-17:00     Discussion and Conclusion

MK Haneen Zu’bi, Joint List, Prof. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian and Adv. Alhan Nahas-Daoud

 

** The conference will be held in Arabic and English – Interpretation will not be provided.

 

To register or for more information: Mada Al-Carmel, Tel: 04 855 2035, e-mail: mada@mada-research.org

The main theme of the current issue of Jadal is the Joint List, which is a political alliance of four Arab-dominated parties in Israel. The formation of the Joint List has been considered as a historic step within the Arab political scene inside the Green Line, as it is the first time that the Arab parliamentary parties ran in the Knesset elections within a single list. The Joint List’s formation, its participation in the elections, and its success in receiving thirteen seats in parliament are achievements that may usher in a new and promising phase of Arab political activity inside the Green Line. At the same time, however, such successes may be temporary and ultimately reduce national action, if they are not followed by steps to improve the List’s effectiveness in producing political achievements beyond that of its formation.

Banner

It seems that there is a discrepancy between the public’s expectations from the Joint List and the expectations of some of its components. Furthermore, there exists a degree of romanticism among some Palestinians in the West Bank and the Diaspora about the prospects and potential impact of the Joint List, which neglects the context and limits of this experiment. First of all, it must be said that although the Joint List received thirteen seats in the Israeli parliament, making it the third largest list in the Knesset, its main accomplishment was not an electoral one. Rather, its achievement is in its formation and not the number of votes it obtained, as it was created in the wake of the division and fragmentation that prevailed in the Arab political scene inside the Green Line on the eve of the elections. However, the formation of the Joint List imposed political challenges that were perhaps unexpected to some of its components, while also greatly raising expectations regarding the performance of Arab political parties among

2-Ghanem
Professor As’ad Ghanem

Palestinians inside the Green Line in particular and among Palestinians and Arabs in general. Moreover, the challenge posed by the formation of the Joint List within the Arab community is arguably even greater than that which it posed to the Israeli regime and government. The former includes the challenge of organizing the Arab society, building its national institutions, and leading mass action and popular struggle, rather than simply being content with traditional parliamentary work. Moreover, many Palestinians in the West Bank and the Diaspora viewed the Joint List as a model which could be emulated to end the division in the occupied Palestinian territories between Hamas and Fatah. This view has shortcomings in understanding the context of the Joint List, especially as it seems that after over half a year since the elections, the list’s political role may be limited – not in terms of its capacity to unite Arab parties, but in its ability to have a greater impact than previous forms of popular, political and parliamentary work. The problem lies not in the idea, but in the ability of its composite parties to use the list as a tool in the Palestinian political struggle.

In all cases, these high expectations, which extended beyond *the framework of Israeli citizenship*, imposed on the Joint List a political approach that aspired to respond to the public’s hopes – in terms of the list’s continuation in parliament, in terms of its parliamentary performance, and in terms of its ability to lead the popular struggle, build regional and national Arab institutions, and increase the Arab community’s confidence in political action.

3-Brik
Saleem Brake

This special edition on the Joint List includes six articles. Professor As’ad Ghanem’s article discusses the future of the Joint List, and finds that there are several measures by which to examine the feasibility of the list, including its parliamentary achievements and performance, public confidence in the list and in the usefulness of its work, personal differences and rivalries among its members which may come at the expense of collaborative efforts, and its ability to lead the popular struggle in the Arab society.

In contrast, Saleem Brake’s article focuses on the parliamentary performance of the Joint List, suggesting that the list’s performance does not represent a substantial deviation from previous efforts at Arab parliamentary mobilization. He argues that the central issue faced by Arab political parties is not related to the political representation of Arabs in parliament, but rather to the limited possibilities of influencing the existing political system.

In the following article, journalist Suleiman Abu Ershaid argues that unity is not always the best and most useful option for national action, especially if it does not represent a national need. Abu Ershaid perceives that what maintains Palestinian national consensus and identity is unity of discourse and not unity of parties – the latter of which could establish a “regressive” discourse.
4-Irshied
Suleiman Abu Ershaid
5-Yehia
Dr. Taghreed Yahia-Younis

Dr. Taghreed Yahia-Younis provides a gendered reading of the Joint List at the level of representation, participation and political agenda, criticizing the absence of feminist discourse in the list’s rhetoric and the inadequate representation of women in the list. However, she notes the list’s underlying potential as a means to bring about socio-political change, and

6-Kabha
Professor Mustafa Kabha
??????????
Dr. Jamal Zahalka

suggests tools for the advancement of social discourse in general and particularly feminist discourse within the Joint List.

Professor Mustafa Kabha, a central member of the National Accord Committee, discusses the Committee and its role in advancing the establishment of the Joint List in his article. The article looks at the members of the Committee and their understanding of the importance of having a Joint List compared to the alternative of forming two lists. He also considers the merits and dynamics of the Committee’s work in reaching an agreement on realizing the list.

The final article to focus on the theme of the Joint List is by MK Dr. Jamal Zahalka, himself a member of the Joint List who participated in initiating its formation and had a central role in the success of its establishment. The article examines the debate on the establishment of the Joint List, which began even before the election date was set. The author also illustrates divergences within the list regarding perceptions of what unity between its various parties should entail, both before and after its formation, as well as among those who regard it as a “national front” facing a colonial project and those who regard it as a “united front” facing an extreme right-wing. He then outlines some of the challenges that the list faces, as well as some suggestions and conclusions about the development of the idea of the Joint List and its work.

MtanesAmeed
Dr. Ameed Saabneh and Dr. Mtanes Shihadeh

This issue also offers two articles which deal with topics outside of the central theme; both address the role of the Palestinians inside Israel in the Palestinian national movement. The first article, which was written jointly by Dr. Mtanes Shihadeh and Dr. Ameed Saabneh, reviews an opinion poll on attitudes toward the role of Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line in the Palestinian national project. The authors place particular focus on the status of Palestinian citizens of Israel, attempting to explain shifts in Palestinian political awareness regarding their role in the national movement. The authors argue that there is convergence between the positions of the Palestinians in the 1967 and 1948 areas regarding the importance of the role of Palestinian citizens of Israel in the Palestinian national project.

9-Moustafa
Dr. Mohanad Mustafa

In the second article, Dr. Mohanad Mustafa discusses the relationship between the Palestinian national movement and the Palestinians in Israel, focusing on the current tendency to idealize the role of Palestinians from the 1948 areas in the struggle for national liberation. In his opinion, this tendency is reflective of the radical transformation of the role of 1948 Palestinians in the Palestinian national movement – from a position of marginalization and even exclusion to one of central importance. In his opinion, the view that Palestinian citizens of Israel should be excluded from the national project indicates a lack of understanding of the situation which they face; while the notion that they should be central to it reflects the depth of the impasse which the Palestinian national movement is currently experiencing.

The full issue of Jadal is available in Arabic here.

The main theme of the current issue of Jadal is the Joint List, which is a political alliance of four Arab-dominated parties in Israel. The formation of the Joint List has been considered as a historic step within the Arab political scene inside the Green Line, as it is the first time that the Arab parliamentary parties ran in the Knesset elections within a single list. The Joint List’s formation, its participation in the elections, and its success in receiving thirteen seats in parliament are achievements that may usher in a new and promising phase of Arab political activity inside the Green Line. At the same time, however, such successes may be temporary and ultimately reduce national action, if they are not followed by steps to improve the List’s effectiveness in producing political achievements beyond that of its formation.

Banner

It seems that there is a discrepancy between the public’s expectations from the Joint List and the expectations of some of its components. Furthermore, there exists a degree of romanticism among some Palestinians in the West Bank and the Diaspora about the prospects and potential impact of the Joint List, which neglects the context and limits of this experiment. First of all, it must be said that although the Joint List received thirteen seats in the Israeli parliament, making it the third largest list in the Knesset, its main accomplishment was not an electoral one. Rather, its achievement is in its formation and not the number of votes it obtained, as it was created in the wake of the division and fragmentation that prevailed in the Arab political scene inside the Green Line on the eve of the elections. However, the formation of the Joint List imposed political challenges that were perhaps unexpected to some of its components, while also greatly raising expectations regarding the performance of Arab political parties among

2-Ghanem
Professor As’ad Ghanem

Palestinians inside the Green Line in particular and among Palestinians and Arabs in general. Moreover, the challenge posed by the formation of the Joint List within the Arab community is arguably even greater than that which it posed to the Israeli regime and government. The former includes the challenge of organizing the Arab society, building its national institutions, and leading mass action and popular struggle, rather than simply being content with traditional parliamentary work. Moreover, many Palestinians in the West Bank and the Diaspora viewed the Joint List as a model which could be emulated to end the division in the occupied Palestinian territories between Hamas and Fatah. This view has shortcomings in understanding the context of the Joint List, especially as it seems that after over half a year since the elections, the list’s political role may be limited – not in terms of its capacity to unite Arab parties, but in its ability to have a greater impact than previous forms of popular, political and parliamentary work. The problem lies not in the idea, but in the ability of its composite parties to use the list as a tool in the Palestinian political struggle.

In all cases, these high expectations, which extended beyond *the framework of Israeli citizenship*, imposed on the Joint List a political approach that aspired to respond to the public’s hopes – in terms of the list’s continuation in parliament, in terms of its parliamentary performance, and in terms of its ability to lead the popular struggle, build regional and national Arab institutions, and increase the Arab community’s confidence in political action.

3-Brik
Saleem Brake

This special edition on the Joint List includes six articles. Professor As’ad Ghanem’s article discusses the future of the Joint List, and finds that there are several measures by which to examine the feasibility of the list, including its parliamentary achievements and performance, public confidence in the list and in the usefulness of its work, personal differences and rivalries among its members which may come at the expense of collaborative efforts, and its ability to lead the popular struggle in the Arab society.

In contrast, Saleem Brake’s article focuses on the parliamentary performance of the Joint List, suggesting that the list’s performance does not represent a substantial deviation from previous efforts at Arab parliamentary mobilization. He argues that the central issue faced by Arab political parties is not related to the political representation of Arabs in parliament, but rather to the limited possibilities of influencing the existing political system.

In the following article, journalist Suleiman Abu Ershaid argues that unity is not always the best and most useful option for national action, especially if it does not represent a national need. Abu Ershaid perceives that what maintains Palestinian national consensus and identity is unity of discourse and not unity of parties – the latter of which could establish a “regressive” discourse.
4-Irshied
Suleiman Abu Ershaid
5-Yehia
Dr. Taghreed Yahia-Younis

Dr. Taghreed Yahia-Younis provides a gendered reading of the Joint List at the level of representation, participation and political agenda, criticizing the absence of feminist discourse in the list’s rhetoric and the inadequate representation of women in the list. However, she notes the list’s underlying potential as a means to bring about socio-political change, and

6-Kabha
Professor Mustafa Kabha
??????????
Dr. Jamal Zahalka

suggests tools for the advancement of social discourse in general and particularly feminist discourse within the Joint List.

Professor Mustafa Kabha, a central member of the National Accord Committee, discusses the Committee and its role in advancing the establishment of the Joint List in his article. The article looks at the members of the Committee and their understanding of the importance of having a Joint List compared to the alternative of forming two lists. He also considers the merits and dynamics of the Committee’s work in reaching an agreement on realizing the list.

The final article to focus on the theme of the Joint List is by MK Dr. Jamal Zahalka, himself a member of the Joint List who participated in initiating its formation and had a central role in the success of its establishment. The article examines the debate on the establishment of the Joint List, which began even before the election date was set. The author also illustrates divergences within the list regarding perceptions of what unity between its various parties should entail, both before and after its formation, as well as among those who regard it as a “national front” facing a colonial project and those who regard it as a “united front” facing an extreme right-wing. He then outlines some of the challenges that the list faces, as well as some suggestions and conclusions about the development of the idea of the Joint List and its work.

MtanesAmeed
Dr. Ameed Saabneh and Dr. Mtanes Shihadeh

This issue also offers two articles which deal with topics outside of the central theme; both address the role of the Palestinians inside Israel in the Palestinian national movement. The first article, which was written jointly by Dr. Mtanes Shihadeh and Dr. Ameed Saabneh, reviews an opinion poll on attitudes toward the role of Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line in the Palestinian national project. The authors place particular focus on the status of Palestinian citizens of Israel, attempting to explain shifts in Palestinian political awareness regarding their role in the national movement. The authors argue that there is convergence between the positions of the Palestinians in the 1967 and 1948 areas regarding the importance of the role of Palestinian citizens of Israel in the Palestinian national project.

9-Moustafa
Dr. Mohanad Mustafa

In the second article, Dr. Mohanad Mustafa discusses the relationship between the Palestinian national movement and the Palestinians in Israel, focusing on the current tendency to idealize the role of Palestinians from the 1948 areas in the struggle for national liberation. In his opinion, this tendency is reflective of the radical transformation of the role of 1948 Palestinians in the Palestinian national movement – from a position of marginalization and even exclusion to one of central importance. In his opinion, the view that Palestinian citizens of Israel should be excluded from the national project indicates a lack of understanding of the situation which they face; while the notion that they should be central to it reflects the depth of the impasse which the Palestinian national movement is currently experiencing.

The full issue of Jadal is available in Arabic here.

On 17-18 October 2015, the Palestine Society at the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) held its 10th annual conference under the title “Settlers and Citizens: A Critical View of Israeli Society.” The conference, which aimed to situate the current trend in Israeli society and state policy toward the political right within the framework of settler-colonialism, featured participation from various researchers affiliated with Mada al-Carmel.

Nadim MSProfessor Nadim Rouhana, Mada al-Carmel’s founding director, served as the conference’s keynote speaker. His lecture, entitled “The Israeli Settler State: Zionism Between Triumph and Defeat,” differentiated between Israel’s success as a state according to various economic, military, and educational indicators and the outcome of Zionism’s settler colonial project, which as of now is not determined. He then discussed four main features of Zionism – being a settler colonial project, a national movement, a project in which religion and nationalism are fused, and a project in which the inherent violence has the ingredients of escalation to mass atrocities – and how these features impact the dynamics of Zionism’s conflict with the Palestinians.

Following the keynote speech, conference attendees took part in a series of six panels, several of which included speakers from Mada al-Carmel.

In a panel considering the relationship between the Israeli military sector and the public image of the state, Mada Director of Research Programs Dr. Mtanes Shihadeh presented a talk entitled “The Political Economy of Israeli Military and High-Tech Industry.” He focused on the diplomatic functions of the Israeli military and high-tech industries, tracing the history of the Israeli arms trade across various continents. He argued that these industries are used by Israel to influence other nations and garner international support.

In a panel dealing with the spatial policies of the Israeli state, Mada researcher Dr. Areej Sabbagh-Khoury gave a presentation entitled “The Zionist Left, Settler-Colonial Practices and the Nakba in Marj Ibn ‘Amer, 1936-1956.” In the talk, she argued against the notion that Israeli ethnic cleansing began or ended with the 1948 Nakba, considering Jewish immigration and the expulsion of Palestinians prior to and after its occurrence. She focused on the region of Marj Ibn ‘Amer, which saw significant Zionist settlement prior to the Israeli state’s existence.

In a law-themed panel, former Mada researcher Dr. Nimer Sultany gave a lecture entitled “The Legal Structures of Subordination.” Contrary to portrayals of the Israeli legal system as a progressive force, he argued that Israeli law subordinates Palestinians and advances state colonization. However, he also proposed that the Israeli state derives legitimacy by portraying itself as operating within the “rule of law.”

Through its researchers’ contributions to academic and policy debates at institutions like SOAS, Mada al-Carmel advances its goal of generating informed and thoughtful public discussion on key issues affecting Palestinian society.

Call for Papers

Mada al-Carmel—Arab Center for Applied Social Research, recognizes the importance of focusing attention on the economic policies effecting Palestinian women and shedding light on the economic conditions of Palestinian women in Israel. Therefore, we are pleased to announce this Call for Papers which invites researchers from the academic disciplines of economics, political science, sociology, and law, to submit research papers regarding the economic status and employment of Palestinian women in Israel; and the Israeli policies that are applicable to these areas. Accepted papers will be published as part of “Mada’s Files.”

 

The topics proposed for the Files include the following:

1.   Policies put forward for the integration of Arab women in labor markets.

2.  Arab women in high-tech industries.

3.  The impact of women’s economic initiatives for improving economic and employment conditions among Arab women.

4.  The economic situation of Arab women in the Negev.

5.   Discussion and/or analyses of economic data concerning Arab women.

 

Please note the following guidelines:

1.  The paper is to be written and published in Arabic or English, with the possibility of some papers being translated into English or Arabic.

2.   The paper shall not exceed 4,000 words.

3.   Selected authors will receive a modest financial reward of $300, in exchange for their work.

4.  Papers should be written using a clear academic style, however authors should also keep in mind that the target audience includes readers from the non-academic public.

5.   Authors may choose topics not included above, but must receive approval to do so in advance from the program coordinator.

6.  Please direct further inquiries about submissions to the following e-mail address: inas.khateeb@mada-research.org

 

Important dates:

1. 30.06.2015: Deadline for abstract submissions (up to 500 words).

2. 10.07.2015: Notification of acceptance sent to authors.

3. 30.09.2015: Final submission of research papers.

 

For a PDF Version

Looking forward to your contributions!

 

Respectfully,

Mtanes Shihadeh

Israel Studies Program Coordinator at Mada al-Carmel

Edited by: Mtanes Shihadeh

September 2014

Available in Arabic

dالخدمة المدنية“The Palestinians in Israel and the Civil Service Plan: Preliminary Readings” examines Palestinians’ reactions to Israel’s plans to incorporate Arab citizens into what the state calls its “civil service program.” The book, edited by the coordinator of the Israel Studies Program at Mada-al Carmel, Dr. Mtanes Shehadeh, is based on an in-depth survey conducted by Mada al-Carmel of Palestinians in Israel on their viewpoints regarding civil service. Civil service is an institution that promotes youth participation in the military and economic advancement of the state without direct military service. The issue of Arab participation in civil service is likely to become central to the relationship between Israel and Palestinian citizens in the next few years. “The Palestinians in Israel and the Civil Service Plan: Preliminary Readings” is the first comprehensive work published on the subject of Arab civil service in Israel.

Mada al-Carmel invites researchers to submit proposals for analytical opinion papers on Israeli perceptions of the future of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which will be published in “Mada’s Files”. We are aware of the difficulty involving research into the various competing interests within Israeli society, which hold different perceptions/views on resolving the Israeli – Palestinian conflict. However, there are several indicators that help us understand the perceptions of different Israeli political and ideological views and ideas for the future of the conflict and/or solutions. The papers should focus on the reading and understanding of these propositions. Therefore, we invite you to take one side, address an aspect of these propositions, or focus on Israeli official policy regarding the future of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict when writing your analytical papers. We believe that your contribution will enrich the files and increase the understanding and exploration of perceptions in Israel concerning this matter.

 

Examples of possible topics:

  • Review of the positions of Israel’s historical peace process and talks.
  • Is there an Israeli peace program? If so, what is it?
  • Perceptions of peace within “the Israeli left.”
  • Perceptions of peace within “the Israeli right” and within “streams of the Israeli center.”
  • Settlers’ views for future solutions.
  • Israeli views on the future of the Occupied West Bank and/or Gaza.
  • You can choose other topics, in coordination with MADA .

 

Abstract and Paper Submission Requirements:

  1. Abstracts may not exceed 150 words.
  2. Papers can be presented and published in Arabic and/or English.
  3. Papers may not exceed 3500 words.
  4. Authors receive a financial reward for his/her paper.
  5. Papers should be written in an academic style but taking into account that the target audience does not only consist of academics.
  6. Please send details to the following email address: mtanes@mada-research.org

 

Important Dates:

Proposal Submission: August 15, 2014

Response to Proposals: August 30, 2014

Submission of Research Papers: November 15, 2014

Click Here for the PDF Version

 

Sincerely,

 

Nadim Rouhana, Israel Studies Program Director

Mtanes Shihadeh, Israel Studies Program Coordinator